By Ferruh Yilmaz
Writing first and foremost of the Nineteen Eighties, Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe explored probabilities for a brand new socialist technique to capitalize at the period’s fragmented political and social stipulations. and a part a long time later, Ferruh Yilmaz recognizes that the populist some distance right—not the socialist movement—has proven better facility in adopting profitable hegemonic options alongside the structural traces Laclau and Mouffe imagined. correct wing hegemonic technique, Yilmaz argues, has resulted in the reconfiguration of inner fault strains in ecu societies.
Yilmaz’s basic case research is Danish immigration discourse, yet his argument contextualizes his learn when it comes to questions of present problem throughout Europe, the place correct wing teams that have been lengthy at the fringes of “legitimate” politics have controlled to make major profits with populations normally aligned with the Left. particularly, Yilmaz argues that socio-political area has been remodeled within the final 3 a long time such that crew category has been destabilized to stress cultural instead of financial attributes.
According to this point-of-view, conventional ecu social and political cleavages are jettisoned for brand spanking new “cultural” alliances pulling the political spectrum to the proper, opposed to the corrosive presence of Muslim immigrants, whose personal social and political type is flattened into an phantasm of alien sameness.
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Extra info for How the Workers Became Muslims: Immigration, Culture, and Hegemonic Transformation in Europe
Stergaard describes the years between 1983 and 2001 as the period that would shape the immigration debate for years to come. I know from my own experiences as a journalist who covered the immigration debate from the early 1980s that a right-wing intervention in 1986 played a decisive role in turning the focus in the immigration debate from issues related to rights and humanitarian help to cultural issues. I therefore chose to examine the period before and after this intervention (1984–87) and included media coverage from 2001 to see how much culture had become the defining feature of the immigration debate before the 2001 elections fundamentally changed the political landscape.
I therefore chose to examine the period before and after this intervention (1984–87) and included media coverage from 2001 to see how much culture had become the defining feature of the immigration debate before the 2001 elections fundamentally changed the political landscape. The data for this project come from two major sources: newspaper articles from five major Danish daily national newspapers (Politiken, Berlingske Tidende, Jyllands-Posten, Ekstra Bladet, and BT ) taken from a set of three- month periods.
Second, the term “Islamophobia” narrows down the analytical focus to negative attitude expressions (of which there are plenty) about Islam. A further problem is that the terms “Muslim,” “ethnic minority,” “immigrant,” “immigrant culture,” and “Islam” are often used synonymously and interchangeably, which makes it difficult to pinpoint Islamophobic statements in discourse. My argument is that even when people do not engage in fear-mongering around Islam and express sympathetic “attitudes,” the new ontological horizon constrains the way they navigate the new social landscape, often leading to epistemic collusion between Left and Right (as can be seen in Søvndal’s statement).